65 European union Essays: 1 - 25 Go to Page.
The rise of the anti-union movement caused the NCF to draw back from its collective bargaining emphasis, but it continued to endorse collective bargaining as a principle even though it no longer pushed for it. At the same time, though, the organization began to put greater emphasis on urging employers to pay good wages and install welfare programs of the kind that had been tried by a few companies in earlier decades in an attempt to placate workers. "After 1905," says Weinstein (1968, p. 18), "welfare work increasingly was seen as a substitute for the recognition of unions." These widespread efforts were successful in many large corporations and were an important forerunner of the welfare-capitalism strategy to combat unions emphasized during the 1920s. In fact, the Welfare Department within the NCF played a large role in disseminating this perspective (Cyphers 2002). In present-day theorizing, these large-scale employers, many of them using advanced production technologies, were paying "efficiency wages" in an effort to increase profits through enhanced productivity and at the same time protect themselves against disruption, sabotage, and the destruction of equipment:
Example pro-union persuasive essay
After further discussion, the two groups reached general agreement on the subcommittee proposal and they formally approved it the following day. President Roosevelt accepted the agreement immediately and the next day announced the formation of a National Labor Board to arbitrate strikes and seek voluntary consent to section 7(a). Corporate moderates had forged a compromise with labor leaders in the way that their general approach to most problems and the earlier efforts of the National Civic Federation on labor issues would lead us expect. In the process they developed a new government structure (another example of state building) and thereby gave renewed legitimacy to collective bargaining and government mediation of labor disputes. In all, the written record provides practically a minute-by-minute account of how the corporate community and organized labor created a new government agency with little or no involvement of the White House, but most of the social scientists that write about the New Deal ignore the work by historian Kim McQuaid (1976; 1979) almost as much as they do that by Gitelman (1988). In any case, the passage of the act is a classic example of how a new law, in this case the National Industrial Recovery Act, can lead to outcomes that no group anticipated or desired, but it is also a demonstration of the importance of government in shaping -- and even supporting -- class conflict.
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Bernstein was a passionate advocate for musical education: "Children must receivemusical instruction as naturally as food, and with as much pleasure as they derive from aball game." Fortunately, Bernstein's boundless energy, great looks, strikingintelligence and compelling sincerity made him a natural teacher. And even morefortunately, he displayed these talents in the biggest classroom ever invented –television. In Bernstein's words: "This old quasi-rabbinical instinct I had forteaching and explaining and verbalizing found a real paradise."
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Although Walter, Klemperer, Horenstein and others had advocated Mahler's work, it wasBernstein's impassioned concerts and pioneering recorded cycle that finally launched theMahler revolution. The first installment was the pastoral , a vibrantperformance in which the orchestra plays its very heart out. For his soloist in the finalvocal movement, Bernstein made the inspired choice of Reri Grist, fresh from the cast of . Equally impressive is a staggeringly intense , whichfollowed in 1963 (previously on M2S-695 and unavailable on CD [.]). Any doubts as to the authenticity of Bernstein's free-wheelinginterpretations are dispelled by Mahler's only recordings: 1905 Welte-Mignon discs of hispianism (collected on Golden Legacy CD 101) which exhibit the same sort of highlyindividual, impetuous approach.
Persuasive Essay Outline: Evolution Of Labor Unions
As part of this confrontational but narrowly focused approach, the AFL tried to avoid involvement in broad-based political organizations, especially at the national level. They feared that political activity might divide their unions in a context in which the nation's electoral rules and the history of the two dominant political parties made it highly unlikely that workers could form their own political party. Believing that the political activism of the Knights of Labor, and especially the frequent disagreements between craft unions and various groups of socialists within the organization, had contributed to its downfall, the AFL kept anarchists and Marxists at a distance, and treated any claims they made with suspicion (Shefter 1994, p. 156). But as the union leaders expected, the employers nonetheless continued to resist the union pay scales, elaborate work rules, and apprenticeship limits that skilled craft workers wanted to retain in the workplace. This is important to underline for those new to thinking about rough and tumble power struggles, because it shows that employers' primary concern was full control of the workplace and the greatest possible profits, not fear of socialist ideas. In addition, the employers increasingly sought to speed up the labor process with new forms of work organization (e.g., Zieger and Gall 2002, pp. 27-28). They also employed growing numbers of unskilled immigrant laborers at lower wages in order to take advantage of the new machines and other technologies that were becoming available.