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At the best of times, living a virtuous life is difficult. This is especially true when a fixation with equality makes many people reluctant to distinguish between baseness and honor, beauty and ugliness, rationality and feelings-talk, truth and falsehood. Much of Democracy in America consequently seeks to show how democratic societies could contain their equalizing inclinations.
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Since Michael Doyle’s essay in 1983 pointed out that no liberal democracy has ever fought a war with another democracy , scholars have treated pacifism between as democracies, “as closest thing we have to an empirical law in international relations.” The democratic peace proposition encourages hope for a new age of international peace....
Tocqueville, however, recognized that such problems are often symptoms of subterranean currents that, once in place, are hard to reverse. A champion of liberty, Tocqueville was no determinist. He nevertheless understood that once particular habits become widespread in elite and popular culture, the consequences are difficult to avoid. In the case of democracy—perhaps especially American democracy—Tocqueville wondered whether its emphasis on equality might not eventually make the whole thing come undone.
Essay about Democrats vs. Republicans - 580 Words
Introduction: The Democratic Alliance (DA) is a South African political party that’s roots lie in the anti-apartheid movement of the 1970’s, at this time it was known as the Progressive Party, it renamed its self the Democratic alliance in the 1990’s....
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As depicted by the International Institute for Democracy and Election Assistance (IDEA), “The purpose of an election is to translate the freely expressed political will of the people into a workable representative institution […] a government (i) must accurately represent the population and (ii) must be able to govern effectively.”(IDEA) These premises of a democrati...
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The battle for the presidential nomination has exposed ideological and class fault lines within the Democratic Party. The opposition to Hillary Clinton’s position on trade and other economic issues reveal the sense among many registered Democrats that the Party establishment has abandoned their economic concerns. The shift in the class interests of the Party has not been a sudden one, precipitated by the Trans-Pacific Partnership or even NAFTA, but part of a longer story of transformation, a shift of the Democratic base away from its roots in the labor union halls in northern cities and toward white-collar tech workers in the suburbs and . Since the 1960s, suburban knowledge professionals and high-tech corporations have supplanted urban ethnics and labor unions as the party’s core constituency. This shifting base intensified structural inequality and constrained the party’s ability to create policies that support economic equity.
Essay about Republicans vs Democrats - 1531 Words
If there was evidence that democracy affected perceptions of cost and success, this would contravene the idea that democracies are deterred from attacking other democracies because they see them as particularly formidable adversaries....
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As their sobriquet suggests, no sector was more important to the Atari Democrats than tech. The cohort’s emphasis was on expanding the tech sector both in the United States and globally. This, plus their focus on improving quality of life and keeping taxes low, made the Atari Democrats popular among suburban professional voters, as I explain at length in my book (Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberals and the Transformation of the Democratic Party, Princeton University Press, 2015). This approach, however, made employment overly dependent on the boom-bust cycles of the tech economy and produced an economically and geographically uneven distribution of economic growth that privileged middle-class professionals and exacerbated structural inequities. The high-tech industry primarily created jobs for scientists, engineers, computer programmers, and data analysts that paid well, but these opportunities demanded a high level of expertise, experience, and training, and were non-unionized. High-tech manufacturing, however, increasingly moved overseas. The manufacturing jobs that did exist at computer companies in places like Silicon Valley and Route 128 outside of Boston were not just non-union, but low-wage, offering little long-term security (see Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison, The Deindustrialization of America: Plant Closings, Community Abandonment, and the Dismantling of Basic Industry, Basic Books, 1982).